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  Quotations - General  
[Quote No.35309] Need Area: Friends > General
"The oppression of any people for opinion's sake has rarely had any other effect than to fix those opinions deeper, and render them more important." - Hosea Ballou

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[Quote No.35318] Need Area: Friends > General
"Nobody owes anybody a living, but everybody is entitled to a chance!" - Jack Dempsey

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[Quote No.35326] Need Area: Friends > General
"When all government, domestic and foreign, in little as in great things, shall be drawn to Washington as the center of all power, it will render powerless the checks provided of one government on another and will become as venal and oppressive as the government from which we separated. [As Lord Acton said, 'Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely!']" - Thomas Jefferson
Letter to Charles Hammond, 1821.
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[Quote No.35332] Need Area: Friends > General
"As our [US] international power and interests surge, it would seem reasonable that our commitment to republican principles [as defined in the US Constitution] would surge. These commitments appear inconvenient [such as that only Congress can declare war with a democratic vote]. They are meant to be. War is a serious matter, and presidents and particularly Congresses should be inconvenienced on the road to war. Members of Congress should not be able to hide behind ambiguous resolutions only to turn on the president during difficult times, claiming that they did not mean what they voted for. A vote on a declaration of war ends that. It also prevents a president [who is the ultimate servant of the people] from acting as king by default [serving his own and the interests of power brokers alone]. Above all, it prevents the public from pretending to be victims when their leaders take them to war. The possibility of war will concentrate the mind of a distracted public like nothing else. It turns [the democratic right and responsibility for] voting into a life-or-death matter, a tonic for our adolescent body politic." - George Friedman
Sratfor.com, Global Intelligence for everyone. Article entitled, 'What Happened to the American Declaration of War [when the US attacked Libya, March, 2011]? Published March 29, 2011.
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[Quote No.35334] Need Area: Friends > General
"The time spent in trying to impress others could be spent in doing the things by which others would be impressed." - Frank Romer

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[Quote No.35338] Need Area: Friends > General
"Patriotism isn't the same as nationalism. The former is a healthy love and respect for your country, but the latter is blind, total, and unrestricted support for any and all legislation, policies, or activities of a nation. Nationalism is the extreme, whereas patriotism is the goal, because good patriots know when to challenge their political leaders, laws, and policies when they become [incompetent, misguided] unjust or immoral." - Rev. John Triglio Jr. and Rev. Kenneth Brighenti
'Catholicism for Dummies', 2003.
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[Quote No.35340] Need Area: Friends > General
"The [US] Constitution is not an instrument for the government to restrain the people, it is an instrument for the people to restrain the government - lest it come to dominate our lives and interests." - Patrick Henry
(1736 - 1799), American lawyer, patriot, and orator.
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[Quote No.35341] Need Area: Friends > General
"We who live in free market societies believe that growth, prosperity and ultimately human fulfillment, are created from the bottom up, not the government down. Only when the human spirit is allowed to invent and create, only when individuals are given a personal stake in deciding economic policies and benefiting from their success -- only then can societies remain economically alive, dynamic, progressive, and free. Trust the people. This is the one irrefutable lesson of the entire postwar period contradicting the notion that rigid government controls are essential to economic development." - Ronald Reagan
(1911-2004), 40th US President (1981- 1989).
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[Quote No.35342] Need Area: Friends > General
"I predict future happiness for Americans if they can prevent the government from wasting the labors of the people under the pretense of taking care of them." - Thomas Jefferson
(1762-1826), 3rd US President (1801-09). Author of the Declaration of Independence.
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[Quote No.35344] Need Area: Friends > General
"It is not the function of our [US Constitution and] Government to keep the citizen from falling into error; it is the function of the citizen to keep the Government from falling into error." - Robert H. Jackson

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[Quote No.35345] Need Area: Friends > General
"The [US Constitutionally-based] government is merely a servant - merely a temporary servant... Its function is to obey orders [the will of the majority so long as ethical], not originate them [against the will of the people or ethics]." - Mark Twain

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[Quote No.35350] Need Area: Friends > General
"[Politicians will continually say they and their supporters are enlightened humanists to justify foreign interventions in soverign states. This is often just an excuse as subsequent behavior shows.] I wanted the American eagle to go screaming into the Pacific ...Why not spread its wings over the Philippines, I asked myself? ... I said to myself, Here are a people who have suffered for three centuries. We can make them as free as ourselves, give them a government and country of their own, put a miniature of the American Constitution afloat in the Pacific, start a brand new republic to take its place among the free nations of the world. It seemed to me a great task to which we had addressed ourselves. But I have thought some more, since then, and I have read carefully the treaty of Paris [which ended the Spanish-American War], and I have seen that we do not intend to free, but to subjugate the people of the Philippines [and spread US power, influence and commercial markets and profits]. We have gone there to conquer, not to redeem. It should, it seems to me, be our pleasure and duty to make those people free, and let them deal with their own domestic questions in their own way. And so I am an anti-imperialist. I am opposed to having the eagle put its talons on any other land." - Mark Twain
'Inventing Mark Twain', 1997.
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[Quote No.35351] Need Area: Friends > General
"Public office. It is a position that demands integrity. It is a position that demands the highest levels of transparency and scrutiny. We would never countenance our politicians behaving in a manner where they allowed their private business interests to become entwined with their civil duties. That, quite rightly, would provoke public outrage." - Ian Verrender
'Sydney Morning Herald', April 2, 2011.
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[Quote No.35353] Need Area: Friends > General
"I venture to say no war can be long carried on against the will of the people. [Therefore the way all political administrations immediately set about 'winning the hearts and minds' of their own citizens by demonizing their domestic and foreign opponents. At these difficult times the critical thinking skills of all people must be exercised, not exorcised, vigorously!]" - Edmund Burke

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[Quote No.35354] Need Area: Friends > General
"...live with men as if God saw you..." - Seneca

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[Quote No.35360] Need Area: Friends > General
"Cowards are cruel, but the brave love mercy and delight to save." - John Gay

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[Quote No.35367] Need Area: Friends > General
"Nothing can be more abhorrent to democracy [and political freedom] than to imprison a person or keep him in prison because he is unpopular. This is really the test of civilization." - Winston Churchill
British Prime Minister
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[Quote No.35370] Need Area: Friends > General
"You can't handle the truth! [This is often the attitude of government, politicians, military, lawyers, police, economists, financial analysts and even media-owners/editors, supposedly to manage fragile confidence in society without giving aid to their enemies. The 'Founding Fathers' of the US believed this was so contrary to democracy working and informed consent that they enshrined freedom of speech as an inalienable human right in their Bill of Human Rights that starts the US Constitution.]" - Jack Nicholson
Film actor who stated these lines as Col. Nathan R. Jessep, in the 2005 film 'A Few Good Men'.
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[Quote No.35371] Need Area: Friends > General
"Shame may restrain what law does not prohibit." - Seneca

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[Quote No.35372] Need Area: Friends > General
"It cannot be helped, it is as it should be, that the law is behind the times. [For example cigarette smoking health warnings, cyber-bullying, etc. It takes time for issues to become apparent and then parliaments and governments to get support and approval and gazette laws.]" - Oliver Wendell Holmes

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[Quote No.35373] Need Area: Friends > General
"[Self-Defence and Martial Arts: Here is an article that shows the moral and practical complexity of wars for any reason other than self-defence;] 'Immaculate Intervention: The Wars of Humanitarianism' There are wars in pursuit of interest. In these wars, nations pursue economic or strategic ends to protect the nation or expand its power. There are also wars of ideology, designed to spread some idea of 'the good,' whether this good is religious or secular. The two obviously can be intertwined, such that a war designed to spread an ideology also strengthens the interests of the nation spreading the ideology. Since World War II, a new class of war has emerged that we might call humanitarian wars — wars in which the combatants claim to be fighting neither for their national interest nor to impose any ideology, but rather to prevent inordinate human suffering. In Kosovo and now in Libya, this has been defined as stopping a government from committing mass murder. But it is not confined to that. In the 1990s, the U.S. intervention in Somalia was intended to alleviate a famine while the invasion of Haiti was designed to remove a corrupt and oppressive regime causing grievous suffering. It is important to distinguish these interventions from peacekeeping missions. In a peacekeeping mission, third-party forces are sent to oversee some agreement reached by combatants. Peacekeeping operations are not conducted to impose a settlement by force of arms; rather, they are conducted to oversee a settlement by a neutral force. In the event the agreement collapses and war resumes, the peacekeepers either withdraw or take cover. They are soldiers, but they are not there to fight beyond protecting themselves. Concept vs. Practice In humanitarian wars, the intervention is designed both to be neutral and to protect potential victims on one side. It is at this point that the concept and practice of a humanitarian war becomes more complex. There is an ideology undergirding humanitarian wars, one derived from both the U.N. Charter and from the lessons drawn from the Holocaust, genocide in Rwanda, Bosnia and a range of other circumstances where large-scale slaughter — crimes against humanity — took place. That no one intervened to prevent or stop these atrocities was seen as a moral failure. According to this ideology, the international community has an obligation to prevent such slaughter. This ideology must, of course, confront other principles of the U.N. Charter, such as the right of nations to self-determination. In international wars, where the aggressor is trying to both kill large numbers of civilians and destroy the enemy’s right to national self-determination, this does not pose a significant intellectual problem. In internal unrest and civil war, however, the challenge of the intervention is to protect human rights without undermining national sovereignty or the right of national self-determination. The doctrine becomes less coherent in a civil war in which one side is winning and promising to slaughter its enemies, Libya being the obvious example. Those intervening can claim to be carrying out a neutral humanitarian action, but in reality, they are intervening on one side’s behalf. If the intervention is successful — as it likely will be given that interventions are invariably by powerful countries against weaker ones — the practical result is to turn the victims into victors. By doing that, the humanitarian warriors are doing more than simply protecting the weak. They are also defining a nation’s history. There is thus a deep tension between the principle of national self-determination and the obligation to intervene to prevent slaughter. Consider a case such as Sudan, where it can be argued that the regime is guilty of crimes against humanity but also represents the will of the majority of the people in terms of its religious and political program. It can be argued reasonably that a people who would support such a regime have lost the right to national self-determination, and that it is proper that a regime be imposed on it from the outside. But that is rarely the argument made in favor of humanitarian intervention. I call humanitarian wars immaculate intervention, because most advocates want to see the outcome limited to preventing war crimes, not extended to include regime change or the imposition of alien values. They want a war of immaculate intentions surgically limited to a singular end without other consequences. And this is where the doctrine of humanitarian war unravels. Regardless of intention, any intervention favors the weaker side. If the side were not weak, it would not be facing mass murder; it could protect itself. Given that the intervention must be military, there must be an enemy. Wars by military forces are fought against enemies, not for abstract concepts. The enemy will always be the stronger side. The question is why that side is stronger. Frequently, this is because a great many people in the country, most likely a majority, support that side. Therefore, a humanitarian war designed to prevent the slaughter of the minority must many times undermine the will of the majority. Thus, the intervention may begin with limited goals but almost immediately becomes an attack on what was, up to that point, the legitimate government of a country. A Slow Escalation The solution is to intervene gently. In the case of Libya, this began with a no-fly zone that no reasonable person expected to have any significant impact. It proceeded to airstrikes against Gadhafi’s forces, which continued to hold their own against these strikes. It now has been followed by the dispatching of Royal Marines, whose mission is unclear, but whose normal duties are fighting wars. What we are seeing in Libya is a classic slow escalation motivated by two factors. The first is the hope that the leader of the country responsible for the bloodshed will capitulate. The second is a genuine reluctance of intervening nations to spend excessive wealth or blood on a project they view in effect as charitable. Both of these need to be examined. The expectation of capitulation in the case of Libya is made unlikely by another aspect of humanitarian war fighting, namely the International Criminal Court (ICC). Modeled in principle on the Nuremberg trials and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the ICC is intended to try war criminals. Trying to induce Moammar Gadhafi to leave Libya knowing that what awaits him is trial and the certain equivalent of a life sentence will not work. Others in his regime would not resign for the same reason. When his foreign minister appeared to defect to London, the demand for his trial over Lockerbie and other affairs was immediate. Nothing could have strengthened Gadhafi’s position more. His regime is filled with people guilty of the most heinous crimes. There is no clear mechanism for a plea bargain guaranteeing their immunity. While a logical extension of humanitarian warfare — having intervened against atrocities, the perpetrators ought to be brought to justice — the effect is a prolongation of the war. The example of Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia, who ended the Kosovo War with what he thought was a promise that he would not be prosecuted, undoubtedly is on Gadhafi’s mind. But the war is also prolonged by the unwillingness of the intervening forces to inflict civilian casualties. This is reasonable, given that their motivation is to prevent civilian casualties. But the result is that instead of a swift and direct invasion designed to crush the regime in the shortest amount of time, the regime remains intact and civilians and others continue to die. This is not simply a matter of moral squeamishness. It also reflects the fact that the nations involved are unwilling — and frequently blocked by political opposition at home — from the commitment of massive and overwhelming force. The application of minimal and insufficient force, combined with the unwillingness of people like Gadhafi and his equally guilty supporters to face The Hague, creates the framework for a long and inconclusive war in which the intervention in favor of humanitarian considerations turns into an intervention in a civil war on the side that opposes the regime. This, then, turns into the problem that the virtue of the weaker side may consist only of its weakness. In other words, strengthened by foreign intervention that clears their way to power, they might well turn out just as brutal as the regime they were fighting. It should be remembered that many of Libya’s opposition leaders are former senior officials of the Gadhafi government. They did not survive as long as they did in that regime without having themselves committed crimes, and without being prepared to commit more. In that case, the intervention — less and less immaculate — becomes an exercise in nation-building. Having destroyed the Gadhafi government and created a vacuum in Libya and being unwilling to hand power to Gadhafi’s former aides and now enemies, the intervention — now turning into an occupation— must now invent a new government. An invented government is rarely welcome, as the United States discovered in Iraq. At least some of the people resent being occupied regardless of the occupier’s original intentions, leading to insurgency. At some point, the interveners have the choice of walking away and leaving chaos, as the United States did in Somalia, or staying for a long time and fighting, as they did in Iraq. Iraq is an interesting example. The United States posed a series of justifications for its invasion of Iraq, including simply that Saddam Hussein was an amoral monster who had killed hundreds of thousands and would kill more. It is difficult to choose between Hussein and Gadhafi. Regardless of the United States’ other motivations in both conflicts, it would seem that those who favor humanitarian intervention would have favored the Iraq war. That they generally opposed the Iraq war from the beginning requires a return to the concept of immaculate intervention. Hussein was a war criminal and a danger to his people. However, the American justification for intervention was not immaculate. It had multiple reasons, only one of which was humanitarian. Others explicitly had to do with national interest, the claims of nuclear weapons in Iraq and the desire to reshape Iraq. That it also had a humanitarian outcome — the destruction of the Hussein regime — made the American intervention inappropriate in the view of those who favor immaculate interventions for two reasons. First, the humanitarian outcome was intended as part of a broader war. Second, regardless of the fact that humanitarian interventions almost always result in regime change, the explicit intention to usurp Iraq’s national self-determination openly undermined in principle what the humanitarian interveners wanted to undermine only in practice. Other Considerations The point here is not simply that humanitarian interventions tend to devolve into occupations of countries, albeit more slowly and with more complex rhetoric. It is also that for the humanitarian warrior, there are other political considerations. In the case of the French, the contrast between their absolute opposition to Iraq and their aggressive desire to intervene in Libya needs to be explained. I suspect it will not be. There has been much speculation that the intervention in Libya was about oil. All such interventions, such as those in Kosovo and Haiti, are examined for hidden purposes. Perhaps it was about oil in this case, but Gadhafi was happily shipping oil to Europe, so intervening to ensure that it continues makes no sense. Some say France’s Total and Britain’s BP engineered the war to displace Italy’s ENI in running the oil fields. While possible, these oil companies are no more popular at home than oil companies are anywhere in the world. The blowback in France or Britain if this were shown to be the real reason would almost certainly cost French President Nicolas Sarkozy and British Prime Minister David Cameron their jobs, and they are much too fond of those to risk them for oil companies. I am reminded that people kept asserting that the 2003 Iraq invasion was designed to seize Iraq’s oil for Texas oilmen. If so, it is taking a long time to pay off. Sometimes the lack of a persuasive reason for a war generates theories to fill the vacuum. In all humanitarian wars, there is a belief that the war could not be about humanitarian matters. Therein lays the dilemma of humanitarian wars. They have a tendency to go far beyond the original intent behind them, as the interveners, trapped in the logic of humanitarian war, are drawn further in. Over time, the ideological zeal frays and the lack of national interest saps the intervener’s will. It is interesting that some of the interventions that bought with them the most good were carried out without any concern for the local population and with ruthless self-interest. I think of Rome and Britain. They were in it for themselves. They did some good incidentally. My unease with humanitarian intervention is not that I don’t think the intent is good and the end moral. It is that the intent frequently gets lost and the moral end is not achieved. Ideology, like passion, fades. But interest has a certain enduring quality. A doctrine of humanitarian warfare that demands an immaculate intervention will fail because the desire to do good is an insufficient basis for war. It does not provide a rigorous military strategy to what is, after all, a war. Neither does it bind a nation’s public to the burdens of the intervention. In the end, the ultimate dishonesties of humanitarian war are the claims that 'this won’t hurt much' and 'it will be over fast.' In my view, their outcome is usually either a withdrawal without having done much good or a long occupation in which the occupied people are singularly ungrateful. North Africa is no place for casual war plans and good intentions. It is an old, tough place. If you must go in, go in heavy, go in hard and get out fast. Humanitarian warfare says that you go in light, you go in soft and you stay there long. I have no quarrel with humanitarianism. It is the way the doctrine wages war that concerns me. Getting rid of Gadhafi is something we can all feel good about and which Europe and America can afford. It is the aftermath — the place beyond the immaculate intervention — that concerns me." - George Friedman
Stratfor.com -Global Intelligence for everybody, April 5, 2011.
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[Quote No.35384] Need Area: Friends > General
"The only real power comes out of a long rifle. [This is the same as former soldier and leader of the Chinese Communist Party Mao Tse-Tung's -also spelt Zedong- 'Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun (the threat of force).']" - Joseph Stalin
Russian Communist leader
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[Quote No.35385] Need Area: Friends > General
"'Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun (the threat of force). [This is the same as the Russian Communist leader Joseph Stalin's 'The only real power comes out of a long rifle. '] " - Mao Tse-Tung
(also spelt Zedong), former soldier and leader of the Chinese Communist Party.
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[Quote No.35386] Need Area: Friends > General
"[Power-hungry, repressive dictatorial governments have learnt that...] You only have power over people [or a group of people] as long as you don't take everything away from them. [That is you can still threaten them with the loss of something they care deeply about, including freedom and hope.] But when you've robbed a man of everything, he's no longer in your power - he's free again [and cannot be controlled! Then political rebellion from him is much more likely and the government must demonise him to those others who still have something to lose or unify the groups against a common enemy outside in order to distract from and fight his desire to rebel.]" - Alexander Solzhenitsyn
(1918-2008), novelist, Nobel laureate.
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[Quote No.35397] Need Area: Friends > General
"Surviving well is your finest revenge." - Morgan Nito

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[Quote No.35401] Need Area: Friends > General
"[Regardless of country, all citizens should read Machiavelli's 'The Prince' and George Orwell's '1984' and 'Animal Farm' to understand the intentions and means that governments use to gain and maintain power. Only then can they even begin to hope to be informed, responsible and critically-thinking voters. George] Orwell is almost our litmus test. Some of his satirical writing looks like reality these days." - John Pilger
(9/10/39 - ), Australian award winning journalist
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[Quote No.35402] Need Area: Friends > General
"[In journalism that supports a government's foreign imperialism] We are beckoned to see the world through a one-way mirror, as if we are threatened and innocent and the rest of humanity is threatening, or wretched, or expendable. [It is vital to consider biases and alternative facts and explanations if we are ever to have the truth to inform our decisions and votes.]" - John Pilger
(9/10/39 - ), Australian award winning journalist
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[Quote No.35403] Need Area: Friends > General
"...peace is only possible with justice and with [balanced truthful] information that gives us the power to act justly." - John Pilger
(9/10/39 - ), Australian award winning journalist
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[Quote No.35406] Need Area: Friends > General
"The only sure bulwark of continuing liberty is a government strong enough to protect the interests of the people, and a people strong enough and well enough informed to maintain its sovereign control over it's government." - Franklin Roosevelt
1938
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[Quote No.35407] Need Area: Friends > General
"Accustomed to trample on the rights of others, you [the people] have lost the genius of your own independence and become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among you." - Abraham Lincoln
1858
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[Quote No.35408] Need Area: Friends > General
"To announce that there must be no criticism of the president, or that we are to stand by the president right or wrong, is not only unpatriotic and servile, but is morally treasonable to the American public." - Theodore Roosevelt

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[Quote No.35409] Need Area: Friends > General
"The liberties of our country, the freedom of our civil Constitution, are worth defending at all hazards; and it is our duty to defend them against all attacks. We have received them as a fair inheritance from our worthy ancestors: they purchased them for us with toil and danger and expense of treasure and blood, and transmitted them to us with care and diligence. It will bring an everlasting mark of infamy on the present generation, enlightened as it is, if we should suffer them to be wrested from us by violence without a struggle, or to be cheated out of them by the artifices of false and designing men." - Samuel Adams
'Father of the American Revolution'.
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[Quote No.35410] Need Area: Friends > General
"A people who extend civil liberties only to preferred groups start down the path either to dictatorship of the right or the left." - William Orville Douglas

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[Quote No.35411] Need Area: Friends > General
"Men [and women] are qualified for civil liberties in exact proportion to their disposition to put moral chains upon their appetites: in proportion as their love of justice is above their rapacity." - Edmund Burke
(1729 - 1797), British Statesman and Philosopher
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[Quote No.35412] Need Area: Friends > General
"When complaints are freely heard, deeply considered and speedily reformed, then is the utmost bound of civil liberty attained that wise men [and women] look for." - John Milton
(1608-1674), English Poet, Historian and Scholar. Ranks second, only to Shakespeare, among English poets.
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[Quote No.35413] Need Area: Friends > General
"The law, which restrains a man from doing mischief to his fellow citizens, though it diminishes the natural, increases the civil liberty of mankind." - William Blackstone
(1723-1780), English Jurist
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[Quote No.35415] Need Area: Friends > General
"Among the natural rights of the colonists are these: first, a right to life; secondly, to liberty; thirdly to property; together with the right to support and defend them in the best manner they can." - Samuel Adams

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[Quote No.35416] Need Area: Friends > General
"[Here is why there should always be freedom of speech:] Thought that is silenced is always rebellious. Majorities, of course, are often mistaken. This is why the silencing of minorities is necessarily dangerous. Criticism and dissent are the indispensable antidote to major delusions." - Alan Barth

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[Quote No.35418] Need Area: Friends > General
"[Self-Defense and Martial Arts; Propaganda; Force and Fraud:] The concept of military necessity is seductively broad, and has a dangerous plasticity. Because they invariably have the visage of overriding importance, there is always a temptation to invoke security 'necessities' to justify an encroachment upon civil liberties. For that reason, the military-security argument must be approached with a healthy skepticism." - Justice William J. Brennan

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[Quote No.35419] Need Area: Friends > General
"[In a democracy especially,] We are so concerned to flatter the majority that we lose sight of how very often it is necessary, in order to preserve freedom for the minority, let alone for the individual, to face that majority down." - William F. Buckley, Jr.

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[Quote No.35420] Need Area: Friends > General
"America did not invent human rights. In a very real sense, it is the other way around. Human rights invented America." - Jimmy Carter
US President
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[Quote No.35421] Need Area: Friends > General
"The real value of freedom is not to the minority that wants to talk but to the majority that does not want to listen." - Zechariah Chaffee, Jr.

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[Quote No.35423] Need Area: Friends > General
"A right is not what someone gives you; it's what no one can take from you. " - Ramsey Clark

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[Quote No.35424] Need Area: Friends > General
"The privacy and dignity of our citizens [are] being whittled away by sometimes imperceptible steps. Taken individually, each step may be of little consequence. But when viewed as a whole, there begins to emerge a society quite unlike any we have seen -- a society in which government may intrude into the secret regions of a [person’s] life." - Justice William O. Douglas

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[Quote No.35425] Need Area: Friends > General
"Restriction of free thought and free speech is the most dangerous of all subversions." - Justice William O. Douglas

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[Quote No.35426] Need Area: Friends > General
"Liberty is meaningless where the right to utter one’s thoughts and opinions has ceased to exist. That, of all rights, is the dread of tyrants. It is the right which they first of all strike down." - Frederick Douglass

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[Quote No.35427] Need Area: Friends > General
"Of all the tasks of government, the most basic is to protect its citizens from violence." - John Foster Dulles

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[Quote No.35428] Need Area: Friends > General
"The right to freedom of expression is justified first of all as the right of an individual purely in his capacity as an individual. It derives from the widely accepted premise of Western thought that the proper end of man is the realization of his character and potentialities as a human being." - Thomas I. Emerson

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[Quote No.35429] Need Area: Friends > General
"The whole of the Bill [of Rights in the US Constitution] is a declaration of the right of the people at large or considered as individuals... It establishes some rights of the individual as unalienable and which consequently, no majority has a right to deprive them of." - Albert Gallatin

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[Quote No.35430] Need Area: Friends > General
"Truth resides in every human heart, and one has to search for it there, and to be guided by truth as one sees it. But no one has a right to coerce others to act according to his own view of truth." - Mahatma Mohandas K. Gandhi

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